Proportional
Representation Electoral System: Pathway to participatory
democracy in Tigray
Asayehgn
Desta, Sarlo Distinguished Professor of
Sustainable Development
Defying Ethiopia’s federal verdict
and disregarding the decision passed by the
National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) that
the election date for the country’s parliamentary
and regional elections be postponed due to the
spread of the corona virus pandemic, the Council
members of the Tigray Regional State-citing the
Ethiopian Constitution- have passed unanimously a
fateful decision to safeguard the rights of its
citizens and hold regional elections before the
term of the existing Council members comes to an
end in the first week of
October 2020 (Fortune, June 12, 2020, Sambo,
May 6, 2020).
Given that the Tigray State Council
has already formed an Election Board to execute
and administer elections in the Administrative
Regional State of Tigray (hereafter referred as
Tigray), the most relevant issue that needs to be
addressed is what type of electoral process Tigray
is going to pursue in September 2020. In other
words, is Tigray going to follow; business as
usual and apply the “first-past-the post”
system- where the winning candidate is the one who
receives a plurality or relative majority of the
vote or is it going to reform itself and pursue a
proportional representation type of electoral
system?
As explained in my book “Re-Thinking
Ethiopia’s Ethnic Federalism” (Desta,
2017), some democratic countries follow majoritarian
electoral process during their election process,
whereby a candidate is duly elected as a member of
the federal or regional parliament based on 50 + 1
percent of votes. However, in the condition that
no one gets over 50 per cent of the votes, the
two highest-voted candidates in the
first round are required to compete in the a
second-round runoff vote to ensure that the winner
is selected by a true majority.
Under the plurality
or first-past-the-post system, unlike the majoritarian electoral system; a candidate
does not need to pass a minimum threshold of votes
or does not require an absolute majority to be
elected. Instead, a candidate with one more vote
than the closest rival candidate is elected as a
member of the parliament or the regional state
council. In short, under the first-past-the post
system, the candidate with the most votes is
regarded as the winner whereas the other
candidates irrespective of their polls are
declared losers (see Norris, 1998).
Unlike
the two electoral systems mentioned above,
proportional representation (PR) ritualizes the
principle of equal representation of all members
of society in the election processes.
For example, Lijphart (1977) notes that the
most typical features of proportional
representation electoral systems are a belief in
equal partnership and carrying the multi-member
constituencies on equal footing.
Stated differently, proportional
representation as an electoral process recognizes
power-sharing, allows the representation of
minority groups, avoids violence, and promises
harmonious relationships among ethnic, religious,
and linguistic factions. For example, the number
of seats that a party wins in an election is made
to be proportional (based on quota system) to the
amount of support it gets among voters. Being
inclusive, proportional representation allows
smaller political parties to compete on an equal,
level playing field in the electoral system.
During
Ethiopia’s five elections from 1995-2015, it has
been predominantly using a first-past-the-post
system electoral system or
winner -take- all electoral votes. However, for
the current election process, that Tigray will be
carrying out, we strongly recommend that Tigray
experiment with using proportional representation,
because it would allow the multi-parties to
compete on an equal
level rather than prolonging the existing
mono-party. Furthermore, by enlarging the
democratic space through vigorous
competition, Tigray
would achieve tranquility and resonance as a model
for Ethiopia’s other regional states.
To start with the proportional representation electoral system
as a pathway to participatory democracy in Tigray
which has about 35-40 woredas or districts, let us
presume that from the currently registered parties
and the others that are expecting to
be recognized as legitimate political
parties (that is, Tigray People’s
Liberation Front, Arena Tigray, Bato Tigray, Wedeb
Nesanat Tigray, Salsawi Wyane, Tigray Democratic
Party, Tigray’s Prosperity Party, etc.); only three
parties from each woreda
or district are electable to attain seats
in the Tigray State Council. For example, if the
first-place party wins 65% of the vote they will
be entitled to receive two seats on the regional
council. If the second party has won more than
10%) of the minimum threshold) of votes, let us
say 30 percent, it will
be entitled to get one seat. Finally,
since the rest of the parties won less than 10% of
the overall votes, they would be regarded as
losers and would not have representation on the
Tigray State Council.
When
we compare the plurality electoral system that
Tigray had for more than two decades with the
proportional representation system, we
overwhelmingly argue that Tigray should use
proportional representation as the vehicle for its
electoral process in 2020. As described above, the
two electoral systems (i.e., the plurality and
proportional representation) are amazingly simple
for the voters to understand and the election
outcomes are quantifiable. However, the
proportional representation system is better than
the plurality electoral process because it: 1)
renders empowerment to larger groups of voters, 2)
is effective and gives an equal chance to every
citizen, 3) increases voters turnout, 4)
represents a system that has adequate checks and
balances, and 5) minimizes unrest and galvanizes
social harmony (Desta, 2017).
Reference:
Desta, A. ( 2017). Rethinking
Ethiopia’s Ethnic Federalism. BahnhofstraBe:
Lamert Academic Publishing, Deutschland, Germany.
Fortune (June 12, 2020). Tigray
Regional Council Decides Regional Elections Due no
later than September 2020.
IDEA (2005). International
Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance.
IDEA Handbook of Electoral System Design, Sweden,
Stockholm.
Lijphart, A. (1977). Democracy in
Plural Societies. A Comparative Explanation.
New Haven, CT. Yale University Press.
Norris, P. (1998). “Testing
Consociational Theories of Ethnic Conflict,
Electoral Systems and Democratization.”
Harvard University: John Kennedy School of
Government.
Sambo, S. S. (May 6, 2020). “Tigray
region plans election despite Ethiopian
government’s disapproval.” Accessed at https://newscentral,africa/tigray-region-plans-election-despite-ethiopian-governments-disapproval/
Retrieved July 12, 2020.
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